State Crimes and Democracy

Crimes of the State | Week 6, Lecture 12

Professor Julian E. Gerez

May 6, 2026

Roadmap: State crimes and democracy

  • Last time: the internal logic of autocratic violence
    • Questions?
  • Today:
    • State violence and democracies: evidence and mechanisms
    • Where democratic constraint breaks down

State violence and democracy

A puzzle from last class

  • Last class ended with: “democracies are not innocent”
  • Democracies have also inflicted mass civilian deaths:
    • US in the Philippines, 1899–1902
    • British Boer War concentration camps in South Africa
    • US bombing Japan, 1945
    • France in Algeria, 1954–62
    • US wars on Indigenous peoples (near-total extermination)
  • What is different about these cases based on what you know of state violence and autocracy?

A sepia-toned historical photograph of the Barberton Burgher Camp, showing rows of white bell tents at the foot of large, rugged mountains.

A B-29 over Osaka on 1 June 1945.

An image from the Algerian war

Democracy refresher

  • Democracy: political power constrained by competitive elections, civil liberties, rule of law
    • Liberalization: degree to which policies are publicly contested
    • Inclusiveness: share of the population involved in the political process
  • Neither condition alone is sufficient
    • Apartheid South Africa had competitive elections for whites only
    • North Korea has 99% turnout but non-competitive elections
Liberalization (public contestation) Inclusiveness (participation) Inclusive hegemony Polyarchy Closed hegemony Competitive oligarchy

Narendra Modi, prime minister of India; the world’s largest democracy

Democracy and political repression

  • One of the most consistent findings in research on political repression:
    • Higher levels of democracy \(\rightarrow\) lower use of political repression
  • Remember Olson: the Golden Goose gets to vote!
  • Supported across nearly every empirical study from the 1970s to the late 1990s

Why does this relationship hold?

  1. Accountability
  2. Civil liberties allow for monitoring and documentation
  3. Separation of powers
  4. Inclusion in the political process reduces the need for repression
  5. Legitimacy in democracies is derived from the consent of the governed
  6. Professionalized bureaucracies and coercive agents

Mechanisms

Accountability and elections

  • Autocrats are accountable to their elite coalition, if that
  • Democratic leaders face regular, competitive elections
  • Violence usually creates opponents and motivates against the incumbent
  • The cost-benefit calculus of repression changes when leaders can be removed
  • Competition (in theory) produces better leaders who may be less likely to be violent
  • Elections impose a political cost on repression
    • Victims and their networks become opposition
    • Abuses become campaign material for challengers
    • International actors and donors pay attention
  • This does not mean democratic leaders never repress
    • It means repression must be worth the electoral cost

Chileans celebrating the No vote victory in the 1988 plebiscite that ended Pinochet's rule

Chileans celeberate the No vote victory in the 1988 plebiscite that ended Pinochet’s rule

Civil liberties

  • Free press, civil society organizations, and independent courts document abuses
    • Documentation creates evidence: for courts, for elections, for international pressure
    • State violence in democracies is harder to hide than in closed systems
  • Civil liberties make repression more costly by making it visible
    • This does not eliminate violence but it lowers the probability that violence is deniable

Black and white photograph of civilians scattering in the streets of Derry amid tear gas and smoke during Bloody Sunday, January 1972

British soldiers killed unarmed civilians at a civil rights march in Derry on Bloody Sunday

Separation of powers

  • Democratic systems distribute power across branches: executive, legislative, judicial
    • No single actor can unilaterally order and execute repression without oversight
    • Courts can declare repressive actions unconstitutional
    • Legislatures can investigate, defund, or legislate against repressive agencies
    • This raises the organizational cost of repression
  • This is why democratic backsliding often targets institutions first
  • When these institutions are weakened, the structural brake on repression weakens with them

Erdoğan speaking at a podium in the Turkish parliament while officials behind him stand and applaud.

After a coup attempt, Turkish President Erdoğan purged over 4,000 judges, after which mass arrests followed

Inclusion

  • State violence is often a response to dissent: strikes, protests, organizing, demands for rights
  • When citizens have legitimate channels (voting, unions, civil society, litigation) they use them
    • Political participation substitutes for confrontation
    • Grievances can be addressed through institutions rather than suppressed by force
  • Recall the dictator’s dilemma:
    • Autocrats repress partly because of distribution and information problems
    • Inclusion resolves this dilemma: citizens who can vote and organize do not need to rebel
    • Dissent is visible and channeled
  • This also works in reverse: exclusion generates conditions that make violence “necessary”
    • Apartheid South Africa excluded non-white citizens \(\rightarrow\) resistance \(\rightarrow\) massive repression
    • Jim Crow South excluded Black Americans \(\rightarrow\) civil rights movement \(\rightarrow\) state violence
    • The violence was a consequence of exclusion, not just of racial animus

Professionalized bureaucracies for coercive agents

  • Democratic policing and military institutions develop professional norms
    • Rule of law, due process, proportional use of force
    • Civilian oversight creates accountability for individual officers and soldiers
    • Professional training shapes what agents understand as acceptable conduct
  • Professional norms reduce individual willingness to repress (but do not eliminate it!)
    • Coercive agents in democracies have oversight structures that (in theory) punish abuse

Screenshot of an AJPS article titled Why Underachievers Dominate Secret Police Organizations: Evidence from Autocratic Argentina by Scharpf and Gläßel

In autocracies, career incentives push low-performing officials toward secret police work

The limits of democratic constraint

When does democracy fail to constrain violence?

  • The evidence is strong: democracy reduces repression, and change matters too
    • Autocratization increases repression; democratization decreases it
  • But where accountability to constituents is absent, these mechanisms weaken
  1. Non-citizens and colonial subjects:
    • Democratic leaders killed hundreds of thousands in the Philippines, Algeria, and Japan
    • The constraint is on violence that voters who count would not accept
    • Who counts is itself a political question
  2. Within-democracy variation:
    • Electoral incentives can produce or prevent ethnic violence even within democracies
    • The state’s decision to protect minorities depends on whether their votes are needed

Democracy protects constituents

  • Most state violence research studies violence against citizens
    • The mechanisms we just covered all assume political standing: you can vote, organize, sue
    • Colonial subjects, occupied populations, etc. had none of that
  • Some argue democratic mass killings happened secretly, by rogue agencies acting alone
    • Valentino’s rebuttal: most were public and broadly supported
    • E.g., US bombing campaigns in Japan were not secret; majorities still approve today
  • Democracy does not eliminate violence, it redirects it to those who cannot hold it accountable
    • And democracies can authorize and legitimate violence if it is publicly supported

A sepia-toned historical photograph of the Barberton Burgher Camp, showing rows of white bell tents at the foot of large, rugged mountains.

A B-29 over Osaka on 1 June 1945.

An image from the Algerian war

Electoral incentives and violence

  • Even within democracies, who gets protected may depend on electoral math
  • E.g., research on Hindu-Muslim riots in India shows riots are more likely before elections
    • And more likely in constituencies where previous elections were competitive
  • Why: Hindus are divided by caste; riots make religious identity more salient than caste
    • This consolidates the Hindu vote and some politicians benefit from that
    • The state allows or fails to prevent violence when doing so serves the coalition
  • The same logic can protect minorities when their votes are pivotal
    • The state’s coercive capacity is deployed to protect when protection is “profitable”

Vehicles on fire in Ahmedabad, India, on Feb. 28, 2002, the day 69 Muslims, mostly women and children, died in a compound set ablaze by thousands of Hindu men armed with stones, iron rods and bombs.

Smokes fill the air as looters walk through the streets in Ahmadabad, India, on February 28, 2002.

Think-pair-share

  • Think about the human rights situation at the center of your final project:
    • Is the regime in your case democratic or authoritarian? Somewhere in between?
    • If democratic, does that make the state violence harder to explain?
    • Based on the audience for your brief, does regime type shape what you say?
    • What does your case suggest about the relationship between regime type and state crime?
  • You don’t need to move around; discuss with whoever is sitting near you

For Monday: propaganda and state violence

  • Democracies are less likely on average than autocracies to commit state crimes
  • We have seen that electoral incentives shape state violence within democracy
  • Monday: what role does information play?
    • If politicians benefit from mobilizing groups against each other, information is a tool
    • Can propaganda cause mass violence, and can we separate correlation from causation?
    • Case study: hate radio and the Rwandan genocide
    • Note: Parts of this reading are very technical. Skip or skim the math; focus on understanding the key takeaways!

Read before Monday:

Yanagizawa-Drott, David. 2014. “Propaganda and Conflict: Evidence from the Rwandan Genocide.” The Quarterly Journal of Economics 129(4): 1947–1994.

(Available on Perusall via Canvas)